The communicative risk in "ordinary language". Implicit approach to the risk communicative situations as  sources of criminal and diverting behaviour

 

By Vladimir Iliev, Bulgaria, University of Sofia*

 

It is analyzed in the report how the individual elements of the communicative situation in the direct interpersonal communication are evaluated from the point of view of their risk potential. Their designation, the preliminary expectations and their subordination at the level of the topical social reality marks the margins of the potential threats of diverting and criminal behaviour. The preventive measures for overcoming the passivity towards the criminal and diverting behaviour include limiting the adjustment in the persons with criminal and diverting behaviour for the “good” risk and decreasing the fear in the remaining part of people from the “bad” risk.

 

Key words: risk, communicative situation, social behaviour

 

The social reaction to the diverting and criminal behaviour is not a single act. It is a hard and long way, requiring patience. Except patience it involves movement, too. Showing the right trend and the most efficient instrument for general limiting the manifestations of diverting and criminal behaviour is a difficult task. It is not an encouraging situation if we consider it from the point of view of the maximizing expectations for fast and final results. However, there is another viewpoint, which does not examine disparagingly the intermediate achievements and encourages the multi-disciplinary approach in working out strategies for social control on the diverting and criminal behaviour.

The study of the human social behaviour in the context of the communication between people permits not only the personality but the situational factors, standing in the genesis of the diverting and criminal behaviour, to be recorded. Furthermore. When the problems of the sphere of “border” interpersonal interaction are studied, in most cases without peculiar difficulties, we find why, when, where, how, with whom the probability the diverting and criminal behaviour to be manifested as well as to escalate, is the biggest.

Risk, as a whole and risk communicative situations, in particular, are namely the territory of the “border” interpersonal communication. The study of the communicative risk allows adequate prognosis to be made for the threats, the efforts for localizing the unfavourable consequences of the diverting and criminal behaviour to be integrated, to be reacted at individual and group level for crime prevention.

People, of course, do not have an equal attitude to risk. Some are indifferent to it, others overrate its importance. That in combination with the assumption that there exists “bad” risk /with the possibility for damage/ and “good” risk /with possibility for profit/ reveals to a considerable extent the reactions in specific communicative situations.

The diverting and criminal behaviour is motivated by the kinetic energy of the assumption that a person has “good” luck and won’t be punished for his/her actions. Otherwise, people who observe laws and in the general sense have decent behaviour are somewhat passive in their reactions to damages, ensuing from the communicative interrelation accompanied by the diverting and criminal behaviour. The potential energy of over apprehensions as propensity increases in them, which limits their social activity and behavioral repertory.

Generally speaking people with diverting and criminal behaviour have two basic propensities to the risk in communication: indifference to the “bad” risk and overrating the “good” risk. In the remaining part of people the overrating of the “bad” risk results in indifference and mistrust to the “good” risk. This is an interesting phenomena, speaking volumes about restricting the possibilities of the “ordinary” people for multi-level and flexible overcoming and control on risk communicative situations in the conditions of diverting and criminal behaviour.

This presentation reveals some theoretical frames and experimental results that might be used as an effective approach in prevention, correction and re-socialization of people with propensity and manifestation of diverting and criminal behaviour. This approach for regulating the risk potential in communicative situations might be utilized for a wide circle of people for increasing the interpersonal adaptation for social situations connected with menace of such behaviour.

The interaction between the participants in a communicative situation is a complex and multidimensional space of a new "psychic reality" of the contact. The existence of alternatives in the development of this reality is a prerequisite for the appearance of a risk. Every communicative situation possesses an alternative for developing "risk". The risking itself is such an activity on the part of the person participating in the communicative situation, which leads to a risky result. It is related to the risky result, understood as a loss or profit. In the communicative situations, the risk events are inner as well as outer. Therefore, for identification and understanding of the risk, a higher degree of consideration of what is happening in the process of communication is needed.

The immediate interpersonal interaction in the process of a communicative situation can escalate to an aberrant or criminal behavior. There is a risk in "provoking" criminal or aberrant behavior towards us, as well as in "losing control over one's own behavior", which can turn into aberrant or criminal.

For a part of the people with criminal proclivities, the risking and the play on the other side of the legal barrier is a situation evoking positive experiences such as enhancing one's own significance, inspiring respect into those around, searching for an outlet from the monotony of life, etc.

The understanding of the risk potential of a given situation from the interpersonal communication allows for the negative consequences with criminal character to be predicted.  

In the course of our research, results were obtained, which make it possible for a "topographic map" to be drawn, of the risk concepts and inclinations within the people towards the situations of immediate communication, and in this respect, to undertake efficient measures for reducing and predominance over the socially aberrant and criminal behavior.

The surveyed persons used 354 different words for describing the risk during communication. Ten words occurred more than 10 times, 28 between 9 and 4 times, 17 are words that occurred three times, 64 twice, and the remaining 234 – once. This distribution leads us to the fact of the ambiguous comprehension of the risk in communication among the different people or groups of people.

In a descending order the ten most frequently used words for describing the risk during communication are:

-                      lie

-                      aggression

-                      misunderstanding

-                      envy

-                      malice

-                      hypocrisy

-                      fear

-                      mistrust

-                      offense

-                      hatred

 

The arrangement of the words strongly corresponds to the answers of the question "What does an unfavorable situation during communication look like?". Lie and aggression are accepted as a major risk by almost all categories of people.

In a descending order, people perceive risk mainly as:

-                      opposition

-                      reacting against the opponent

-                      constructing of the relation

-                      status

-                      satisfaction

-                      psychological presence

-                      acquaintance with the other person

-                      behavioral presence

-                      self-presentation

-                      unselfishness

-                      influence upon the other person

The age affects in accordance with the way, the risk communicative situations are perceived. The transitivity of the risk concepts outlines as the most important tendency, i.e. at a different age, one gives credit to one or another major type of concepts of what risk is.

According to the youngest (under 20), the risk occurs mainly in the opposition between the interlocutors. Probably, this is most closely related to the stage of "fighting for social presence". Whether it will be in the shape of direct confrontation, or through competition and self-establishment, on both poles of the interpersonal contact, a strong counter-tension is created. Hence, the facts concerning youthful aggression and confrontation are explicable.

According to the persons between 20 and 30, the greatest risk is in the good intentions and expectations implied and the response of the interlocutor. This is a period when we encounter social disappointments and deceived hopes. During those years and at this age is the time for starting work, creating lasting relationships and forming a family, undertaking more and more social responsibilities. The feeling is often present that honesty is confronted by hypocrisy and lie, that loyalty expends faster than the depleted interest, that under the sparkling attractive shell of great promises there is usually nothing to find.

At the age of 30-40, the risk in communication is related to the fulfillment of the necessities of the interlocutors. This is the time, when the goal justifies the means. The times of the youthful rivalry and disappointment have gone. The flame of the great expectations has subsided. The opportunities for productivity in the different spheres of life move towards their peak values. Man, on the grounds of personal experience, starts to understand that the avoidance of unnecessary risks and the undertaking of justifiable ones during the communication with other people is the right strategy for completion of goals and fulfillment of necessities of all sorts of character. The application of such a strategy is not a magic word for opening the gate of welfare, but definitely, it is inscribed in the elementary necessity for man to be socially active.

Within the groups from 40-50 and above 60, there are similar results, and they are such that risk is perceived simultaneously as opposition and cross-purposing of the good intentions implied and the results obtained. It seems that the spiral of life has made one (from 40-50) turn and (over 60) another one and again in a slightly different way it turns back to the concepts of the persons below 20 and between 20-30. The process of reassessment of the achieved life is started. Gradually we succumb to the feeling that time is running faster and faster. We have had so many plans, so few of which have been accomplished. We compare ourselves to the other people, we scrutiny ourselves critically, painfully getting over the last remnants of our illusions. In this reassessment, the concept is formed that opposition is a very essential phenomenon on an individual scale.

According to the group of people at the age of 50-60, the risk is generally related to the necessity to communicate and develop human contacts and relationships. At this age is probably the most moderate and profound position with relation to risky communication. It is not perceived as concrete and definite situations, but is inscribed in all situations, accompanying the interpersonal relationships.

There exist several categories of people, who are the typical participants in risky communicative situations. According to what extent the communication with them represents a risk, they can be arranged in the following sequence:

-                      an incidental acquaintance

-                      a boss

-                      a stranger

-                      own children

-                      parents

-                      friends

-                      a spouse

-                      colleagues

-                      an official

-                      other relatives

-                      a familiar person

-                      an intimate partner

The communication is an integral process with a beginning, development and an end. This is valid not only for the separate communicative situation but for the interpersonal relationship as well. According to the surveyed people, risk situations are most common in the process of relationship development. During this period of the contact, the relationship deepens, the participants obtain more and more information for each other. This is the time when both parties develop their presence in the direction of realization of their goals. There are opportunities for shortening the interpersonal distance, which also hides a potential for a risky development of the situation.

In second place in terms of risk is the period of termination of relationship and communication. According to the people, the way "out" from communication, whether a single concrete situation, or on a more general scale, within the framework of a particular relationship, can evoke risks. They, in most of the cases, concern the future, with relation to what the relationship between the parties will be in the course of time.

The termination of a relationship is not only a menace. When from a given relationship people get out on good terms and respect, it creates an opportunity for the future, even after a considerable period of time, for useful contacts between the participants.

It is only in the third place for people to consider that there can be a risk during the initial acquaintance and instance of contact. This is an interesting phenomenon. Most people are embarrassed during the initial contacts and acts of acquainting, considering them impeding, although, they do not perceive any great risks in that. The explanation can be found in the fact that on occasions of new encounters man is more mobilized, attentive, and suspicious. Moreover, one has considerable freedom to choose whether to continue the contact or to terminate it. The circumstance that during newly-established contacts, one can present oneself in a new light, is not unessential, one is not "tethered" to existing opinions and assessments about him. In this respect, the danger of harming during self-revelation is considerably reduced, as well as from aggregation of errors and negatives from previous meetings.

The most risky time from the point of view of occurrence of risky situations is the evening. It is followed by the daytime, the night, and the early morning. The logic of the answers follows the probability for socializing during the twenty-four-hour period.

The evening is the time when man is in the post-peak condition of upsurge and activity during the day. Therefore, during it, gradually begins a decline in the psychic condition, which definitely reflects upon the way of communication. Some of the indications of risk are not noticeable, one is more inclined to self-revelation and search for closeness and support. During the evening contacts man "carries" the accumulated tension and problems from the day, and in most cases, they affect one's communication.

The most dangerous risks during communications occur in the first place in social places. Followed by places for entertainment, the office, and at home.

From the point of view of the negative risk, the places where one can encounter strangers or semi-strangers, are the most dangerous. As if in man is inculcated the feeling that the unknown is in most of the cases dangerous.

Most often the risk situations during communication are related to the juxtaposition between the interlocutors on the principle who-whom. It can be in the shape of competition, rivalry or open fight. In the interpersonal juxtaposition, "the enemies" are seldom subjected to physical annihilation, but the psychological means for impact of the kind lie and aggression are often met.

In the second place are situations when good intentions are being implied, but as a response, no such are received in tern. This is in its essence unilateral selfless communication, whereat, the other party does not respond in the same way.

In the third place are situations related to the way specific needs of the interlocutors are being satisfied. During this kind of communication of the type "give-take", people create guarantees for the defense of their interest through correspondence between their own efforts and the profits gained.

A small minority of people relate the risk to the necessity of creation and development of contacts. Therefore, the evaluation whether a given communicative event is risky or not is not much in terms of the dynamic-processual side of the contact, as it is with reference to contextual-contentual one. In other words, the meaning is important of what one involves in communication, not so much what stage of development of the contact the participants are at.

Interesting is the fact that higher ranking are facts, about which there is not direct information – with respect to the attitude and intentions of the interlocutor. This substantiates the idea that the assessment of risk during communication is highly subjective and is practically an assessment of ones own attitudes and intentions, projected upon the interlocutor.

People are inclined to assess the risk on a situational level, which means to look for threats or chances in the outer circumstances, as well on a personal level, when they assess more globally what is happening in their life.

There exist two kinds of localization of control – internal and external. In the first case, man ascribes what happens to him to external forces – accident, other people etc. In the second one – the events are interpreted as a result from own efforts. The prevalent part of the people studied by us appeared to have distinctive external localization of control. This means that they are prone to discovering external factors, which determine their behavior, constantly. Here are included the processes of communication. The results outlined a tendency for an enhanced fatalism in people. The localization of control with relation to the successes achieved also has a distinctive external character. The prevalent number of people surveyed have distinctive external localization with reference to success. They consider that their successes are more or less accidental, rather than due to their efforts. Twice as few are those who consider success to be as a result from their efforts, but estimate the ratio efforts-luck in a different way. The tendency is outlined that people rely more on luck than on their own efforts.

The locus of control when failures are concerned is completely external. People do not find in them the reasons for failures, when they fall upon them. Almost half of the surveyed people demonstrated utterly distinctive external locus control with reference to failures.

On an "everyday level", most important for the people arte the different situations they encounter. The situational analysis lies in the foundation of their reasoning and self-analysis concerning the risk. Within the frames of a more global worldly perspective, personal factors are predominant.

The understanding of risk is related to the inclinations towards luck when creating social contacts. The perception that one is lucky is stronger in situations, where the negative outcome is perceived as "close" and very much probable. This, that one thing is luck, is determined not so much by the real result from the activity, rather than by what has not happened but could have happened. The worse the thing that could have happened, the luckier the man feels after it did not happen (Tiegen, 1995).

Consider the following. The closer and the worse could have happened, but did not, the luckier we feel. Therefore, the relation between luck and risk: the non-realized dangers and losses, accompanying risk, evoke the experiencing of luck. What most often makes a man feel happy and lucky – the non-realized loss, whereat, in close perspective, is also present in risk.

People are more influenced by the presence of close risks. They have greater importance for them. Therefore, there exists a tendency for extenuation of the distant and not so much for the close risks, although, they, due to their character, might be more general for the person.

Bad luck is related mainly to the factual events (what has really happened), while good luck refers mainly to the opposing events (what has not happened).

The experiencing of good luck takes place when:

-                      the bad result is perceived as close and probable

-                      the bad result has been avoided, although it has been expected or presumable in the situation

Man thinks that has bad luck in:

-                      situations in which the better outcome and result is impossible

-                      this has been expected and implicated in the situation

People think that luck is not so rare in their everyday life. Widely spread is the belief that it is something which periodically calls upon man.

Darke and Freedman (1997) demonstrated that people, who believe in luck, are inclined to think that the series of positive chance increase their chances of additional success. This explains why given form of criminal behavior reoccur. When one has successfully risked several times, he thinks that next risking will bring you success. You become as if "hungry" for risk. This leads to self-encouragement to criminal behavior, whereat, considerable limiting conditions of the social media are neglected as well as the legislative system.

People relate luck to two factors – control and chance. The lack of individual opportunity for control over the events and the reliance on an external factor (chance) is the major way, through which the inclination to luck is formed. This is valid for both good and bad luck. When we control ourselves, we usually try to achieve something positive. With lack of control, all results are possible. The possession of control is perceived as a positive phenomenon, while its lack is commonly perceived as negative.

The evoking of unjustified anxiety regarding the potentially criminal offence against oneself impedes the adequate social behavior of the ordinary person. Therefore, people should be taught adequate perception, assessment and reaction towards potentially risky situations under the conditions of criminal and aberrant behavior towards them. On the opposite, people with criminal propensities should be subject to purposeful influences in the direction of awareness of the weakness of their "good" luck while performing a criminal activity. The similar actions, taken within the general framework of complex measures for fight against criminal wrongdoing, possess a potential of an active preventive instructive means.

 

 

References:

Iliev, V. (2004) Risk and Communication, Lege Artis Publishing House

Darke, P., Freedman, J. (1997). Lucky events and beliefs in luck: Paradoxical effects on confidence and risk -taking. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 23,378-388

Higgins, E. (1992). Achieving “shared reality” in communication game: A social action that creates meaning. Journal of Language and Social Psychology, 11. 107-131

Nelkin, D. (1985). The language of risk. Beverly Hills CA: Sage.

Teigen, K. (1995). How good is good luck? The role of counterfactual thinking in the perception of lucky and unlucky events. Eur. J. Soc. Psychol., 25, 281-302

Teigen, K. (1996). Luck: The art of a near miss. Scandinavian Journal of Psychology, 37, 156-171.

Weiner, B., Frieze, I., Kukla, A., Reed, L., Rest, S., Rosenbaum, R. (1971), Perceiving the causes of success and failure. In E. E. Jones, D. E. Kanouse, H. H.

 

* Vladimir Iliev has a PhD in Psychology and MA in Law and is a member of the Bulgarian Scientific Society: http://www.erp-pleven.bg/iliev/